Somaliland: One of Africa’s Strongest Non-States

Credit: The Guardian

It’s extremely likely you’ve heard of Somalia - though probably not for the best of reasons. It is one of the least developed countries in the world, with the average person earning a mere USD $445 per year. Most people know that it is also a hotbed for modern piracy, with 134 vessels taken hostage over the past 13 years (though, interestingly, the number of pirate attacks over the past ten years has significantly declined). Very few places on Earth can be considered “failed states”, but Somalia may very well be one of them.

So then, what is Somaliland, and how is it different?

The question is best answered by first taking a look at the colonial period in the Horn of Africa in the late 19th century. Modern-day Somalia was originally two separate colonies: Somalia, which was colonised by Italy, and Somaliland, colonised by Great Britain. The governance of the two was strikingly different: Great Britain (as it did with most or all of its colonies) took a much less hands-on approach, providing less infrastructure, but allowing more public freedoms and responsibility in the hands of local leaders. Following on from independence in 1960, Somaliland was a sovereign state for a mere five days before uniting with - and becoming a part of - Somalia itself.

But the struggle for those seeking independence for Somaliland isn’t like many other separatist movements around the world. Advocates believe that it deserves to be its own sovereign territory not only because of cultural and ethnic distinctions, but also because it fulfills many of the requirements to be its own country. Somaliland has its own currency, valid elections, military, and passports. It is also more stable than Somalia, with fewer terror attacks taking place since 2008.

So what is Somaliland’s major roadblock, or roadblocks, to achieving international recognition?

The first - and perhaps most significant - is global apathy. Somaliland simply does not have the human, natural, or strategic resources to make international actors take decisive measures to recognise the state. Additionally, however, are the efforts made (particularly by the United States and Great Britain) towards building a comprehensive, functioning government in Somalia’s capital of Mogadishu. By recognising Somaliland’s independence, there are fears that such a political move would de-stabilise previous efforts made towards Somalia’s already fragile government at large. Lastly, and on a larger scale, the African Union echoes similar fears that Somaliland’s independence would lead to a resurgence of other separatist movements throughout the continent - some of which may be more violent and less successful.

A lack of recognition goes far beyond simply political satisfaction, however. Somaliland’s former Foreign Minister, Saad Ali Shire, says that a lack of bilateral networks are impeding aid intended for a food crisis, and the country is cut off from loan assistance via the World Bank. It’s highly unlikely that international recognition for Somaliland would solve its problems surrounding hunger - especially as a result of the climate crisis - but an ability to work with other recognised governments would be a strong start, and robust form of help.

TAI Score: Degree 2. While Somaliland itself is, in some ways, the opposite of a salient risk, political division and desperation in the already strained Horn of Africa and Red Sea region is beneficial to few, if any, actors. Despite its comparable stability and security, business and government actors must accept that business and political moves - up to and including diplomatic recognition - with Somaliland may result in a negative outsized impact.

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